For Atmanirbhar New India: Reboot History
& Popular Culture
A New India needs a revision of its history. Similarly, it
needs to examine the tropes in popular entertainment and culture that seek to
promote a hatred of Hinduism and its alleged caste divisions.
For the early decades since independence, a pandering to
the minority vote banks by the Congress Party, was squarely responsible for
this. Later it became something of a template as regional parties poached the
Congress support.
And then there was the commitment to socialism, though it
proved disastrous for economic growth. Nevertheless, academia was put to work
to cast Indian history and economics in a Marxist mould.
For cinema and the digital streaming space to project the
current government and its policies as communal is undemocratic. A Hindu
nationalist government that has been voted in with large majorities is not ergo
determined to subvert the constitution. It may well change certain clauses, as
prime minister Indira Gandhi did. This is how a great anomaly, the special
status of Jammu & Kashmir, originally introduced without debate as a
temporary measure, was set right. A living constitution needs amendment from
time to time. The trouble is, what is good for the goose, is not readily
granted to the gander.
So what does an atmanirbhar New India need from the
historical narrative and from popular culture? First and foremost there is a
need to evolve and accept a home grown and grass-roots Indianness.
Marxism is not an Indian concept. Neither is a fraudulent
form of secularism. Ditto aping British practice, whether in parliament or in
the judiciary.
The other is to reach back. Beyond the advent of the
British and the Islamic rulers, to find our historical identity amongst the
many great Hindu dynasties and Seers. To glory in our ancient cultural,
scientific and spiritual excellence. To drop the Macaulayism that has enslaved
our minds.
A new found interest both amongst Indians and foreigners
in Hindu Studies, Diwali, Yoga, the great epics of the Ramayana, the
Mahabharata, the Upanishads, Puranas, indeed Sanatan Dharma, is now apparent.
Many are starting to realise the living management lessons that can be derived
from the Bhagwad Gita.
India is now a reformist powerhouse for others to emulate.
It is becoming a substantial defence and armaments manufacturer. The stupendous
response with vaccines and vaccination has been noted by the whole world. Its
increasing export footprint is taking on from a relocation of supply chains from
China. India’s diplomacy is resulting in dramatic new alignments. It has the
greatest growth statistics in the world post Covid. The start ups and unicorns
populating the stock market are a case in point. There is nothing derivative in
it. This is home grown dynamism.
Contrast this situation at the end of 2021 with how it all
began. The need to revise the independence narrative too. When Jawaharlal Nehru
wrote his Discovery of India, he was lodged in a comfortable palace
turned jail as a Class One political prisoner.
His British jailers called him Sir, he could take his
constitutional chukkers around the property, receive vetted visitors, and was
served his meals. He saw himself as the
first prime minister of independent India in waiting.
This no doubt infuriated Mohammad Ali Jinnah, a fellow
Lincoln’s Inn lawyer and loyal Congressman at the time. But then, Jinnah did
not have the backing of Nehru’s fellow prisoner Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, as
often hailed as a Mahatma, as Nehru was called a Pandit by the press of the
day.
Nehru had a room with a window, curtains , a bed, not a
pallet. There was a sofa and a side table. It was not a cell with bars, he
wasn’t locked in, though there were sentries. There were no leg irons and
solitary confinement. Nehru was never sent to the Cellular Jail in the Andamans
that Veer Savarkar had to endure.
In the writing of his vision statement, Nehru, who saw
himself partly as an Englishman in Khadi, wasn’t just imitating Winston
Churchill, but outlining his Fabian Socialist cum Unity in Diversity paean to
pluralism.
India had about half of its landmass under the princely
states then, and the rest had many geographical, linguistic, religious and
cultural variations. It seemed vital to Nehru, in the context of his times,
that India could not have any divisive ideas of its own. He was lucky indeed to
have Sardar Patel by his side. That this lofty vision was first cut asunder by
Partition caused by his lust for power, and then steadily subverted by himself
as prime minister is the story of his The Idea Of India.
Pandering to the minorities at the expense of the majority
is the original sin of independent India, or is it the low growth of Fabian
Socialism?
Nehru’s Congress Party successors consolidated this
distorted ideology, holding the voter in contempt, till, at last, there were
upheavals. The first of them came in the seventies with Jayaprakash Narayan,
the Lohiaites and the unstable opposition coalitions that followed. Then came
partial rejection at the end of the nineties with the advent of prime minister
Vajpayee. Last came the resounding rout in 2014.
Churchill began his multi-volume History of the English
Speaking Peoples in 1937, ensconced in his ancestral Blenheim Palace.
Churchill’s leadership during WWII was deservedly lionised. And in this time, as
prime minister, he saved Britain from Nazi occupation, principally by begging
for and securing American support.
Churchill’s
imperialist views made no sense once America became global number one. It
forced the dismantling of the British Empire, starting more or less with India,
Britain’s Jewel in the Crown.
That Nehru and Gandhi, political moderates, were allegedly
in a cosy relationship with the British does not surprise anyone today. That they did not really secure the
independence of India in 1947 is a moot point. They played their part
certainly, as did Subhas Bose. But it was probably American dictation that did
the trick. A war torn and bankrupt Britain was in no position to resist.
(996 words)
For: Firstpost
November 11th, 2021
Gautam Mukherjee
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