Moving Beyond M.K. Gandhi & The Nehru-Gandhi
Dynasty
You may not be interested in strategy, but
strategy is interested in you Leon Trotsky
Advocates and cat’s paws of change are trying it on via Social
Media, virally growing in importance in
India. The prime minister is a major presence on it, directly tweeting his
observations, without distorting filters and interpreters. Opposition leader
and Modi-baiter Rahul Gandhi, is a more reluctant participant, using others in
his ‘office’ to do his tweeting for him.
The prime minister, a
hugely modern and technologically switched on man, has instructed his whole
cabinet to take Social Media seriously. And the BJP has very competent media
cells to monitor the boisterous feedback as well.
The pace,
comparatively, has substantially quickened. Not only do we boast of the highest growth rate in the world but are
making dents in missile technology, space exploration, nuclear and solar power,
rebooting infrastructure befitting our aspirations, radical reformation of the
subsidy regime, vast strides towards banking and cellphone/Aadhar-based financial
inclusion, big plans for universal housing and farm sector/ rural modernisation.
Some reflection of this new India in the making is not only
communicated but tested on the web. One manifestation, not yet official, is the
proposition that currency notes should perhaps depict a whole pantheon of great
Indians. The purpose being to move on from the pervasive presence of the one
and only Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
There are facsimilies of hundred, five hundred and thousand
rupee notes with Subhas Bose,Bhagat Singh and others depicted on the front face,
circulating on Facebook. There are blogs and articles on the issue in the
digital media. Ordinary people are being asked whether they would like to see
such changes on their currency notes.
Will M.K. Gandhi move to the flip-side or disappear
altogether? Why has he, even as the ‘father of the nation’ been allowed to be
the sole repository of national identity on currency notes for so long?
The US is simultaneously polling the possibility of putting
Afro-American abolitionist Harriet Tubman, and early anti-segrationist/civil
rights activist Rosa Parks on one face of a $20 bill, moving president Andrew
Jackson or founding father Alexander Hamilton to the flip-side.
The dollar bills in other denominations are also being
discussed. America has come to this point after 240 years. It
is, after all, the world’s oldest democracy, even as India is the most populous
one.
In both places there are stirrings of maturity, the need to
cast a wider net. India has come to the same place in just seventy years. And
coincidentally, the two countries are also drawing ever closer, more than ever
before, due to the exigencies of regional and global geopolitics.
Much of the old ways are being discarded, here as well as
there, as the presidential campaigns in America suggest. Our self-image though,
is perhaps the first point that needs adjustment.
In the often heated discourse on a wilful saffron
rearrangement of priorities and perspectives, there is a fear, in some quarters,
that the very ‘Idea of India’ is being revamped. And indeed, it is.
The present regime is rendering and renovating our
positioning, with changed emphases, from what it was, to what it needs to
become.
And clearly, to
attribute all progress since independence, to the vision and work of a handful,
to the near exclusion of all others, is seen as an open travesty.
Other charges, almost sneers, of this present regime being
under-educated, and its camp followers being anti-intellectual and of ‘low
quality’, are, in context, motivated barbs from the long ensconced left-liberal
establishment. Today, their prominence and once pervasive influence is
diminished. And this, almost for the
first time, not through the calls from voices in the wilderness, but from a
party, an alliance and a government in power, and those who support it.
The polity itself has rejected the main planks of the old
arguments, lethally voting its
displeasure to bring about tectonic shifts. But for a lot of the decades since
Independence-information, and its flow, could be controlled and manipulated, mistakes
air-brushed, propaganda made to stick. Nowadays, technology and competition has
put paid to all that, besides providing speed, instant access, and importantly,
multiple sides to any story.
Even films from Bollywood have given up the ghost on
socialist style ‘nation-building’ and ersatz patriotism, and turn out crowd-pleasers
or realism instead.
Other changes, mostly towards a majoritarian idea of India,
without however, queering the pitch for the minorities, are now afoot. There is
a new bias towards a considerate capitalism, plus a more productive,
teach-a-man-to-fish welfarism. This, is now seen as a corrective, an even
playing field for all.
But such nuanced ideas were not allowed to flourish earlier.
It was a statist model then, controlled by the infamous Licence-Permit Raj. Even
quaint and impractical notions, often downright faddist, like some of Gandhi’s
more quirky prescriptions, and internationalist gaffes, as in Nehru giving away
India’s UNSC permanent seat to China as a vacuous goodwill gesture; went
unquestioned. That there were not enough clear-headed nation-building ideas
beyond USSR-style state ownership of heavy industry, for example, could not be
challenged.
Other propositions, often more dynamic in hindsight, held
out by early stalwarts such as Patel, Bose, Krishnamachari, Tata, and others,
were relegated to the margins, or brutally supressed.
At least, that is, till 1991, when, at an absolute nadir, on
the point of national bankruptcy, and sovereign default, the Congress
government, made a series of momentous, and some say, World Bank dictated,
changes in policy. But, it turned out to be a happy day indeed.
Now, with the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty’s intellectual vigour and
political strength, at least as a national party, depleted, its fringes in the states breaking away, seemingly every
day; the old prescriptive engines have ground to a near halt.
A change of the old order therefore, engineered by the only
national party on the map, is in the complete fitness of things.
Our newly independent country had no difficulty, after all,
in rejecting many of the shibboleths of the British Raj. Substituting them,
perhaps in keeping with the then prevailing wind, with a diluted Marxism, and
the atheist’s world view of Nehru.
But along with the ideological emphases he adopted, came its
economic consequences. Today, many recognise that decades of the misnamed ‘Hindu
rate of growth’, which was actually a failed Soviet-model socialism, was also
an avoidable humiliation.
It accounts for, we know in hindsight, our failure to manifest
anywhere near our full potential, and speaks for much of the still abject
poverty that afflicts at least a third of the population around us.
For: The Pioneer
(1,093 words)
June 8th, 2016
Gautam Mukherjee
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