A Change In The Weather
When a regime
changes, all who have benefited from the old order are suddenly deprived of
their influence. They are left with little besides their litany of complaints
and criticism.
Still, it is
understandable, for those not nimble enough to change stripe, that
contemplation of an interminable stretch, out of the limelight, is akin to the
Roman Catholic state of purgatory. It is a suspension, in suffering, stuck
indefinitely between Heaven and Hell. Except, that the old order admits to none
of its sins.
Instead, it adopts a stance of indignation
when a procession of their number, including the all powerful who thought
themselves beyond the law, are prosecuted for corruption. It was corruption,
almost institutionalised, that was a major reason for the UPA’s humiliating rout at the hustings,
not once, but twice in a row.
When Narendra Modi, a
provincial but clean Chief Minister, with no first hand foreknowledge of the
Centre, won a majority in the Lok Sabha after
30 years, in 2014, the old guard was astounded. There were those in the capital
who thought it was a massive over-reaction on the part of the electorate to his
spectacular oratory. Modi’s popularity would surely wane by mid-term, they
said, as it had in the case of the ill-fated Rajiv Gandhi administration. And he
would be shown the door at the end of his one and only five year term. It was a flash in the pan. All one had to do
was be patient and disdainful.
It was axiomatic to
such people that no “Communal” government, with a nebulous grip on the economy
and governance, and clumsy law-making, could possibly last more than a single
term. Even the avuncular, get-along Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s saffron government
from a decade ago, lasted only about six years.
Demonetisation in
Modi 1.0, they cried, and do so still, as each anniversary of the November 8,2016
announcement approaches, was a disaster. It destroyed livelihoods of the MSME
sector and the labouring classes. Then, GST bamboozled the shopkeeper. And the
shortfall in its collections month after month point to both a slowing economy
and its flawed architecture. Not for nothing was it kept in abeyance by the
Congress for long years.
So, a second Modi
term in 2019, despite spurious accusations of corruption in the 36 fighter
Rafale purchase, in a forced re-enactment of the Bofors scenario that brough
Rajiv Gandhi down, was most galling. And that too with an increased majority.
What can the electorate be thinking? Do they not see the mismatch between
performance and promise?
And now, six months
into Modi 2.0, two daunting but long-promised Hindutva aspirations have been
fulfilled. The first is the dramatic abrogation of Articles 35A and 370 less
than three months into the second term - by simply voiding them both of all
content. It was a spectacular bit of legal interpretation and execution.
This, and the
resultant main-streaming of J& K via the creation of two new Union
Territories -one of Buddhist majority Ladakh, and the other by combining Jammu
& Kashmir. There is a new awakening of hope and ambition in both these
territories. There has been very little by way of fall out. Pakistan has been
reduced to near tears for the lack of support it garnered internationally. And
domestically, there has been a broad acceptance of the move. Of course, most of
the prospective trouble-makers were safely locked up, out of harm’s way.
The other major achievement within 6 months of this term, is the unanimous and positive Supreme Court verdict on the Ram Temple at Ayodhya. This will lead to the construction of the cherished temple soon, after a very long interregnum. Ayodhya itself is set to be transformed as well.
Other possibilities,
to set right the distortions in secularism, is the promulgation of the Uniform
Civil Code and the implementation of the National Register of Citizens
nationally. Repossession of Gilgit-Baltistan and PoK could also come about
through a fortuitous quirk of fate within this very term.
Even on the basis of
its present successes, the NDA, increasingly becoming synonymous with the BJP
till new allies come along, should be re-elected in 2024.
The only fly in the
ointment is the Modi government’s handling of the economy. Not only is it
imperative to improve performance for the sake of the hopeful masses looking
for jobs and livelihood, but also to keep up with our raised international
diplomacy.
To be taken seriously
abroad, we have to spend money by way of aid, grants and ventures. Money which
we patently do not have at present. Nor can we properly finance our own
necessary development and welfare programmes domestically. Holding to the
fiscal discipline we have set for ourselves is proving extremely difficult at a
5.5% GDP growth rate when we need 10%.
In today’s world, to
raise one’s political profile, particularly in competition with China, without
the assurance of a robust economy, simply cannot be sustained. The government
will have to take many bold and reformist steps and quickly.
If there is anything
that will upset the applecart politically from mid-term in 2021, it is a
floundering economy. The cyclical and global position notwithstanding, Prime
Minister Modi and his cabinet have no room for excuses or bluster in this
regard. The economy is the keystone, and its neglect could bring the whole
house down.
(893 words)
For: WIONNEWS
November 19th, 2019
Gautam Mukherjee
Gautam Mukherjee is a perceptive commentator on
current affairs based in New Delhi
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