The Shingle Is The Same, But Everything Is Changed
Ancient civilisations have a predilection for retaining the markers of
the ages they inherit. Rome is always careful to leave its ambience as the “eternal
city’’ undisturbed. China reveres its storied and ancestral past, and is loathe
to rip apart even its modern ideological structures. This, also if they have
outlived their purposes in certain areas. India has always been a confluence of
cultures and ideas. These have formed and travelled both outwards and inwards
in a wide arc of influence and inspiration. To not take this along into the
future, even as perversions are corrected, would not do its essential ethos the
justice it deserves.
The People’s Republic of China is today a considerable capitalist
success, second only to the US in terms of the size of its economy. It is still
Communist, in name, and political organization; but no longer in terms of its
economic policies.
This change has been wrought since the 1980s, under the guidance of its
late great leader Deng Xiaoping, who decided to change direction. This, after
the collectivisation failures and excesses of the Mao era came to an end with the
Chairman’s death. Particularly, since it did not add much economic value, and
was marked and scarred by a tremendous cost in human suffering. Chairman Mao’s
administration, since 1949, is credited with having killed over 30 million of
his own people.
China has made quick economic strides since the 1980s, with 30 years of
continuous double-digit growth, using its version of the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
However, it was helped in this spectacular performance, by not allowing
for the tumult of democracy. Since 1997, it has had to endure the freedoms of
democracy, in a limited way, and as an exception, in Hong Kong. This, of course
is due to historical reasons, because the island was under British colonial
administration for a very long time. This may have been authoritarian too, but European
democratic ideals, and the principles of free trade were taught, revered, and
were, to some extent, implemented. Hong Kong was, and is, a dynamic trading
citadel.
Having got Hong Kong back in 1997, after 156 years, under the treaty
obligations signed by an imperial Britain with Qing China post the Opium Wars, China
has tried to proceed with delicacy and caution.
Even now in 2019, China continues to profess a principle of “one nation,
two systems”, for the benefit of the advanced and sophisticated people of Hong
Kong and the sake of their promised autonomy. However, it has been tightening
its grip over the island very gradually over the years.
But now, its centralised ways are facing embarrassing opposition from the
residents, who think very differently from those who live and work on the
mainland.
China’s stiffening stance under President Xi Jinping, might be because
it calculates that it can afford to substitute very successful Shenzen, on the
mainland, in place of Hong Kong, and not suffer in terms of connectivity and
trade with the rest of the world. But,
as may be expected, the people of Hong Kong are not amused. Most people in Hong
Kong however, particularly the wealthy, have seen the writing on the wall, and
are emigrating to other countries, including Singapore and Canada.
In addition, scant miles away from Red China is Taiwan, formerly the
island of Formosa- now constituting all of The Republic of China, which is
democratic, and fiercely independent of the mainland.
The vagaries of history may have to answer for why Red China
continuously claims Taiwan to this day. But, it is a separate country today, recognized
by the whole world, and backed in its independence by the US. It was born after
Generalissimo Chiang Kai Shek and his Nationalists fled the mainland after
losing the fight to Mao Tse Tung and his Communists in 1949.
So China lives cheek by jowl with democracy, both within its own
territory in Hong Kong, and in the lost territory of Formosa/Taiwan. But it
manages to follow a different drummer ideologically for itself.
It has long been speculated how long China can hold out before its
masses reach out for more political freedom despite considerable prosperity
compared to the old days. But for now, under President Xi Jinping, things seem
to be in control. A repeat of the Tianeman Square protests of 1989 seem
unlikely on the surface. Although a slowed economy, running at half of its boom
years in terms of GDP, the tariff wars with its biggest export market in the
US, and massive national debt, could fuel unrest at any time. The world is perpetually
running blind to a certain extent when it comes to China, and will only find
out if anything comes out in the open.
India too is going through a transition. It is redefining the meaning of
secularism and socialism inserted into the preamble of the Indian Constitution
during the Emergency of the 1970s. From the early days after independence in
1947, a Hindu majority country was seen to pointedly favour its minorities.
This was the norm for decades, and led to a distorted sense of both entitlement
in certain quarters, and glaring exclusion in others. The unfairness of the
situation was not thought to be remarkable. In fact, the people of the country
were lectured and hectored to shun majoritarian tendencies.
The present government is actively engaged in rectifying the situation
with the enthusiastic backing of over 40% of the electorate. In fact, if the
NDA allies are counted, the percentage is closer to 50%. The remainder of the
votes are fragmented and no other political entity can boast of much more than
30%, if that.
This transitionary period is not without its share of heartburn,
particularly as the once mighty and seemingly all- knowing have been replaced
by the electorate. In economic policy
too, the earlier dispensation professed to spend on the upliftment of the poor,
even as it neglected the engines of growth. This led to runaway inflation, as
expenditure bore no relationship to income, in a deficit fueled and extremely
corrupt administration. The money for the poor only saw under 15% of it reaching
its destination.
Today, the welfarism continues but so does growth. And the benefits for
the poor reach them in every instance without middle-man pilferage.
In a very telling way, both secularism and socialism have come to mean
very different things today. Secularism is now an even playing field for all.
Hinduism is allowed its rightful place in the public discourse without imposing
on any of the other religions. But by the same token, manipulated and forced
conversions are being checked. However, because of decades spent with a tilted
outlook, evening the balance may look revanchist to those who have been dispossessed
of their authority. This is not right, despite the caterwauling, but can
nevertheless be understood.
In a sense, both India and China have decided to retain the framework
created and established by their founding fathers, while modifying the content
to suit present times and the demands of the future.
The recent changes in J&K however have shown up the limitations of
retaining unfair legal structures. So, in a way, the conversions made there must
be seen as exceptions that prove the rule. There is a new secularism, a new
socialism, as practiced by a renewed and resurgent India.
China is on its way to seeking
global leadership based on its considerable success. This, of course, is not
without its obstacles. India, on its part, is busy course-correcting internally as much
as externally to remove the impedimenta to its future greatness. It is also
determined to seize its leading position in the comity of nations,
economically, politically, militarily and culturally.
Will there be increasing convergence between the two Asian giants?
Rivals, even senior and junior ones, will never converge, and so this seems
unlikely. A transactional cooperation, yes, will increase as the time goes on,
but good fences always make for good neighbours.
(1,324 words)
October 2, 2019
For: Sirfnews
Gautam Mukherjee
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