Modi Will Win A Second Term in 2019
It is the
vainglory of ambition that provokes an ailing Sonia Gandhi to stubbornly
project her electorally incompetent son as the next Prime Minister. He will,
she asserts, and her servile Party echoes it, head an elusive and as yet
non-existent Mahagatbandhan.
As if this
is a contagion contained in a northern silo, Mamata Banerjee, a provincial
satrap in the East, is attempting to make Kolkata the epicenter of Opposition
unity.
There are
more aspirants in the East besides Banerjee, in Odisha, and Bihar, for example,
though they haven’t declared their intentions so far.
In addition,
there are kings and queens without crowns, making up at least two contenders in
Uttar Pradesh. One or is it two more come from Maharashtra in the West, and a
couple from the South too.
There are also, at last count, two elders eyeing the main chance if the numbers
throw up the opportunity after the votes are counted.
The would-be
Gatbandhan or Mahagatbandhan – will there be one, two, or none, may not have
much of a policy position, besides getting rid of Modi, but is certainly
bristling with prime ministerial contenders.
There may
well be two formations, if eventually there are any, because some like
Chandrashekhar’s TRS want to maintain an
“equidistance” from both Congress and the BJP.
And in order
to assert their claim to the top job, each aspirant is determined to contest as
many seats as possible, outside of their native power bases. This naturally
sets up inherent stress and strain over the seat-sharing, and makes it very
difficult for the loose partnerships in the making, to produce results in the
electioneering. The much cited bye-election successes of unity, may not work
across the board.
The BJP is
watching all this carefully but is also getting on with their business at hand.
This includes as much governance as possible in the remaining time, and also
the sensitive matter of seeking and probing the political space for new allies.
It is however being careful to not ruffle any fresh feathers. Modi is clearly
not interested in triggering any sympathy wave for those in the Opposition
today.
Will the
forthcoming assembly elections in three important States queer the pitch, and
breathe fresh life into Opposition efforts at unity? This particularly if the
BJP loses any, though it may well churn its state leadership to stave off
anti-incumbency blues.
Can we give
credence to the reports that suggest that the general elections may be brought
forward to the winter of 2018, thereby possibly clubbing, some, if not all the
similarly scheduled assembly elections alongside? The EC has indicated, several
times, that it may be in favour of holding simultaneous elections.
This would
tend to merge the regional and national narrative, and forge a more unified
perspective, while losing nothing of the local focus in the bargain. However,
some would argue that it will be difficult for regional parties to survive
under this dispensation.
Having said this, today there is only one truly
national political party extant, because
the Congress neither rules significantly in the States, nor has a large
presence at the Centre.
Others are
indeed one state regional parties, virtually ignored outside their home states.
Though it is often argued that a vibrant Opposition is essential, judging from
the present composition of parliament, this does not have to necessarily go
hand-in-hand with significant national presence. For decades, Congress ran a
virtual one-party rule, because the Opposition, was both weak, and fragmented.
When INC
stopped obtaining majorities, it leaned on the Left to both promote a mutually
accepted brand of socialism, and to give itself much needed stability in
government. And then came the coalition
era, arrested by the Modi win after 30 years.
Today’s NDA
policies have retained the emphasis on uplifting the poor, as in the socialist
past, and indeed millions have been lifted out of abject poverty. In fact, with
healthy GDP rates obtaining from the mid-eighties onwards, the process has been
accelerated, to the extent that despite a population of over 1.3 billion, India
no longer houses the maximum number of the very poor.
In a policy departure
from the Congress ruled past however, the nature of help given to the poor has
changed, from massive, if leaky subsidies and handouts, to a more sustainable
form of development. This includes facilities and infrastructure in areas that
have been neglected for long years, and yes, better targeted subsidies.
The BJP is working hard, with some good results so far, on an updated version
of self reliance which is encapsulated in its Make in India initiatives.
While Prime
Minister Narendra Modi never tires of listing the government’s many
achievements in almost every speech he makes, the important takeaway is that
the NDA has a policy line, and is doggedly implementing it.
The Opposition has little beyond a desire to remove Modi in particular, and the
BJP/NDA/RSS combine in general. This is a tremendous weakness. It makes it very
difficult for the voter to entrust the government to it. Why the Opposition
does not realize it needs a policy vision is a mystery. It considers its job is
done by issuing a dozen or more manifesto documents before the elections, and a
common-minimum programme after, in the event it
is in a position to form the government.
The logic
that is being applied is that of the compelling arithmetic of their strength in
combination. But, surely it realizes that election voter behavior is an
emotional response from the people to the options before them.
Modi is much
better placed than the disparate or combined Opposition to sway the voter in
his favour. This despite the fact that the Opposition has a large number of well-known leaders. They are almost all seen
to be power-hungry and corrupt.
Modi is much
ahead because of his personal popularity and integrity, despite his government’s
failure so far to deliver on many of his promises. The pulse of the people
seems to suggest that they are willing to give Modi more time so that he can
implement more of his vision for the country.
Today, in a
neat reversal of fortune, it is the so-called secular Opposition which is seen
to be divisive and violent, anti-national and seditious, deeply frustrated to
be out of power.
It is trying
very hard to create trouble , exaggerate and highlight negatives, and portray
the government as inimical to the “Idea of India”. But at the centre of its
psyche, it is terrified of being relegated into insignificance, or land up in
jail, should Modi win again.
Though what
we have is a thriving democracy despite its pitfalls - in an era of relentless
24x7 media coverage, combined with a very savvy social media, no artificial
construct can withstand immediate scrutiny.
More than a
billion cellphones, many of them smartphones, keep people informed on the move,
and the Indian voter, traditionally well-informed even in the old radio only
days, is able to make up his own mind.
He is also
less amenable to being herded and intimidated, though perhaps easier to bribe.
Elections today are enormously expensive affairs for more reasons than one.
Apart from domestic
policy, in which “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas” has been the Modi leitmotif, despite propaganda to the
contrary, Modi’s foreign policy success is something the nation is justifiably
proud of.
After the
somnambulism of the past UPA decade, India is very much on the map once again
at the forefront of nations.
The UPA left
the economy in a looted shambles in 2014, at its lowest growth point in a
decade, and the NDA has nursed it back to a measure of health now.
However, the
massive NPA’s in PSU banks are an advertisement for what could happen once again, if a rapacious Mahagatbandhan
get their hands on the loaves and fishes of office!
Let us
assume there are two kinds of politicians- those who seek power in order to
make money, and those who genuinely want to serve the people. While the BJP/NDA
cannot be viewed in terms of absolute probity, it is clear where the bulk of
the crooked reside.
The
Opposition may be good at fooling itself about its prospects, but cannot do
very much to fool the public. Modi will win again in 2019.
For: The Sunday Guardian
(1,387 words)
July 24th, 2018
Gautam Mukherjee
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