Metamorphosis
In BJP: Ideology, Loyalty, Moving To Meritorious Governance
The Wheel of Fortune, turned full-circle for the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014. This,
when Narendra Modi swept to power with a substantial majority. It was a
majority at the Centre won after 30 years without.
But right from the start, there was a problem with
ideologically committed but unproven administrators. They had indeed delivered
the thumping electoral win by working at the grass roots alongside lakhs of
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) workers. But most of these people were ill
equipped for governance. Who then could be invested with responsibility?
The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) had ruled only once
before, for little over 5 years.
Going with the best
on offer, the BJP formed its ministries. But the Prime Minister, ignoring such frailties,
laid out an ambitious agenda to shake off chronic inertia and bring India into
the front rank of nations.
Culturally, the stature of the early founder ideologues
like Veer Savarkar, and Syama Prasad Mookerjee, and markedly nationalist
leaders like Govind Vallabhai Patel and Subhas Chandra Bose, were resurrected,
and their thoughts given prominence.
But the problem of the restricted talent pool continued.
The RSS/Jan Sangh/BJP had not originated or grown as a big tent with a varied
set of adherents. But after the 3rd Cabinet and pantheon of
Ministers reshuffle just undertaken, there is a new hope.
This conundrum has led the Prime Minister and the BJP Party
President to think out of the traditional box. The policy shift towards
inducting perceived merit, even with loyalty credentials that may not be
decades old, is likely to have far reaching and favorable consequences.
It is a risk worth taking, the Prime Minister and Party
President have decided, even as it flies in the face of the orthodoxy of the sanskari “closed shop”.
A parallel for the change just initiated at the top, may
perhaps be drawn from the principal political parties in the United Kingdom.
The Labour Party has morphed into “New Labour”, with very
little trade unionism and overt Socialism now, a throwback like Jeremy Corbyn
notwithstanding. And the Conservative Party has shed much of its association
with the upper classes and aristocracy, to embrace a rainbow-hued
inclusiveness.
The motive and suggestion is not however to give up on any
of the Sangh Parivar’s core issues. Pending works in progress such as the Uniform
Civil Code, the abrogation of the special status accorded Jammu & Kashmir (
J&K), the building of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, must, and will no doubt,
be vigorously pursued.
But so should Labour Reform, further Land Reform, enhanced
foreign investment, teeth to ease of doing business, more anti corruption
measures, rural and judicial reforms, enhanced manufacturing , greater digitalisation
and simplification of procedures, and the setting down of a large and diverse
defence manufacturing infrastructure. And this is just to list a few of the
myriad priorities.
Modi’s own domestic popularity owes a lot to the belief
that he works tirelessly and selflessly for the benefit of the people. And his
ever-growing international stature and resolve is a thing that most Indians
take pride in.
The electorate largely understands the enormity of the
task, of tackling so many issues for the first time in our history, and has
shown remarkable patience, given that it is made up 65% by young people.
They have clearly had enough of Congress and other family-owned
regional parties with their persistent corruption, tired ideological positions,
and ruthless vote bank politics.
Also, the changes in the BJP voter list have to be kept
abreast of. BJP is no longer the Party of the “Brahmins, Baniyas, and Big Business
in the Cow Belt,”.
It has reached out successfully to a huge constituency of Mahadalits,
the Dalits proper, Muslim women, with the BJP’s successful support to the
abolition of the instant triple talaq, the Shias, some Christians as the
appointment of “demolition man” Alphons, and electoral results in Goa and
Manipur illustrate, Hindus of all castes, and indeed the poor of every
description.
The electoral results increasingly reflect this, both in
terms of vote share, and the number of states that BJP now runs outright, in
coalition, and those ruled by its NDA allies. Before 2019, it could well add
further to its tally. Electorally, the BJP/NDA is going from strength to
strength.
The economic and social policies of the NDA too, have been
reoriented towards the upliftment of the most disadvantaged in a productive
way, without neglecting modern methods and infrastructure creation.
The attention now being given to execution is a timely
shift. Not only do ministerial appointments of former eminent bureaucrats help,
but there are a lot of other camp followers who can be inducted in future.
These people can come from the private sector, civil society, the sympathetic
media/intelligentsia. All committed BJP people, but perhaps not groomed by the
RSS or the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyathi Parishad (AVBP).
The appointment of a
former diplomat from the Indian Foreign Service (IFS), Hardeep Singh Puri, with
long-standing BJP leanings, is an illustration of this.
And to look back at relevant precedents, Prime Minister
Vajpayee was often called “the right man in the wrong party”. And this for a number
of reasons. His long innings as a parliamentarian. His vision that marked him
out as a future prime minister by none other than Nehru himself.
For his poetry and wonderful oratory, his inclusive nature,
his wanting to make peace with Pakistan and settle issues with China, his
strong emphasis on infrastructure, and his ability to carry along the various
contradictions and shades of opinion in his unwieldy coalition.
These qualities were viewed admiringly by the Opposition,
the entrenched and mostly Communist Intelligentsia, and the largely Leftist
Media, as supposedly Nehruvian proclivities.
Almost every narrative forgave the Sangh Parivar its Rath
Yatra - to the extent it could, thanks to Vajpayee. Even though its overt
Hindutva catapulted the parliamentary seat tally for the BJP from a
back-benching 2, to 120 on its own in the 1991 elections to the 10th
Lok Sabha.
Likewise, the assertion represented by the demolition of
the Babri Masjid, did not malign Vajpayee. The copious commentary on it blamed
LK Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Uma Bharti, the cadres and leadership of the
Shiv Sena and so on, everyone in short, but Vajpayee.
This flattering outlook nevertheless alternated with the
sneer of “Mukhota”(Mask) emanating from the more hard-boiled analysts. Meaning,
Atalji was the seemingly benign front for his Communal Hindu Fundamentalist
brethren.
And now, after an interlude of 10 years, when the NDA has come
to power again, it is headed by a non-Lutyens man, not even remotely Nehruvian,
but with much in common with Vajpayee - a long-standing State Chief Minister
made good.
And this, despite having been an RSS Pracharak for years,
from which time Modi has retained a strong nationalist streak. But even in
Gujarat, Modi had moved ahead, breaking the shackles of his original moorings,
without showing it any disrespect at the same time.
The latest reshuffle seeks to strengthen the BJP
credentials for delivery- placing an Olympic medal winning soldier/sportsman in
the Sports Ministry for example.
Chartered Accountant
Piyush Goyal, who has done a stellar job in reviving the performance of the
Power Ministry, has just been asked to implement many of technocrat Suresh Prabhu’s advanced ideas in
the Railways.
Tackling a Railway establishment, riddled with vested
interests, with 13 lakh employees, and many others in its catchment area, it is
seen, calls for spectacular energy and firmness, in addition to good ideas.
The surprise elevation of Nirmala Sitharaman to Cabinet rank
and the Defence Ministry, has again been done with an eye to implementation. Sitharaman
is trained to negotiate via her stint at Price Waterhouse Cooper (PWC), and good
work done in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
Another “can do” Minister, Nitin Gadkari, of the
Mumbai-Pune Expressway fame, a first in its time, with a track record for efficiency
and delivery, has been asked to clean up the Ganga. A task that has eluded all his
predecessors.
Let us remember therefore that the BJP has not only co-opted
its way towards a winning 40% plus vote share, it is determined to service its
governance to match going forward. And this, with the most energetic and meritorious
people it can find.
For:
The Sunday Guardian
(1,379
words)
September
7th, 2017
Gautam
Mukherjee
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